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Feminist Foreign Policy and the EU: Can the US Support Such a Policy?

What are the implications of Sweden's recent revocation of its feminist foreign policy for transatlantic relations?

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Introduction

In 2014, Sweden implemented a new foreign policy approach called Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP), that has泭泭by the conservative party in power. This controversial and commonly misunderstood policy approach has now been adopted by sixteen countries in both Europe and the Americas, including France, Germany, Spain, and Canada. This policy implementation has great implications for Europes approach to both foreign policy and gender equality in the realms of female diplomacy and economic development. FFP has been shaping the methods by which transatlantic governments conduct their foreign policy, and with its continued adoption, it could present new methods and standards for gender equality in the developed world.

What Is Feminist Foreign Policy and How Is It Interpreted?

Feminist Foreign Policy is a new phenomenon that is widely under-researched in international relations. Although it has a broad definition and can have various interpretations, most scholars agree that FFP is a policy approach which泭泭as a key component in interacting with other states. Additionally, FFP highlights the importance of resource allocation by providing visibility to marginalized groups within foreign affairs, including in diplomacy and international aid.泭

UN Women泭has泭泭that the goal of implementing FFP is to increase the visibility and cohesion of a governments actions on gender泭equality. There is no one correct way to implement this type of policy, but it provides a foundation for advancing feminist goals within all sectors of a government. Additionally, FFP provides greater opportunities for women to participate in diplomacy and leadership positions. Although泭the泭泭is different in every nation, it is a framework in which states can align their domestic and foreign policies. All FFP initiatives aim to disrupt male-dominated power structures, creating a more gender-equal society and emphasizing gender equality within foreign policy. It is true that some FFP approaches are more effective than others, based on implementation tactics and allocation of resources. Regardless, work by泭, the founder of the泭, shows that although there is a wide variety of interpretations and implementation of FFP, its focus on advancing and closing gender disparity gaps is a noteworthy accomplishment for feminists across the globe.泭

In an泭analysis of a variety of countries FFPs, there appears to be one goal in common: decreasing gender disparities through improving womens visibility. Each state that has implemented FFP has allocated time and money to reach its slated gendered goals. For example, Germany is currently泭泭on both foreign investments and climate packages. Using FFP, Spain created泭泭collecting impact data and providing recommendations to improve the policy. Furthermore, after implementing FFP, the Mexican government recently decriminalized abortion and reached its goal to have泭%)泭in elected government positions. The Canadian government has also泭, taking a broader human rights approach to their policies and working to promote equality in underdeveloped countries, such as Colombia. These are spaces of visibility for women in government and foreign policy, which are both known to be traditionally male-dominated fields.泭

What Are the Implications for Transatlantic Relations?

In 2014, Swedish Prime Minister Margot泭Wallstr繹m, the first to adopt FFP in Sweden,泭saw a chance to expand opportunities for feminists in foreign policy initiatives and to embody feminist ideals within all sectors of government. However, this new feminist era in Swedens foreign policy proved short-lived; in 2022,泭Tobias Billstr繹m revoked the countrys FFP, citing concerns that the feminist label had become more important than the actual contents of the policy. Though not necessarily representative of a global shift in FFPs implementation, the Swedish governments decision has caused confusion among other governments and feminist scholars, particularly given the countrys role as an FFP leader. Additionally, considering the recent rise in public support for far-right parties in Germany, Spain, and France,泭Billstr繹ms泭decision to revoke Swedens FFP risks further weakening the position of feminist policies throughout Europe.泭

Feminist Foreign Policy in the U.S.

泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭In the United States, the adoption of FFP is unlikely to receive the support necessary due to the rise in polarization within the government. Nevertheless, the U.S. is in a unique political moment due to Kamala Harriss role as the first female vice president and the increasing focus on womens voices in the executive branch. A push for more female representation within foreign affairs remains a definite possibility and would be the best FFP approach for the U.S., should the Biden Administration remain in office for a second term.泭

Advances and Concerns泭

泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭泭In terms of international cooperation on gender equality, the 2023 launch of the泭泭(comprised of the U.S., Japan, and the EU) suggests that uplifting womens position remains a key global issue. However, there have been no reports of discussions about the implementation of FFP within the transatlantic space; while the term is mentioned and discussed as a small part of country relations, there are no dedicated working groups for FFP within the G7 Gender Equality Advisory Committee. Most of the conversations and advances in feminist foreign policy are made within feminist organizations, which are then translated to governments through lobbying efforts. Moving forward, feminist relations can be strengthened through increased government cooperation on the topic of FFP, as governments can provide greater cohesion to the movement and help clarify its goals. All these actions can better support current government implementations of FFP, as well as provide a model for other nations who are considering similar policies.泭泭

Overall, there is a lack of data collection and research within nations about FFPs real-world impact, which often causes confusion about the policies purpose. Additionally, many scholars argue that the wide variety of interpretations of FFP creates a lack of consensus on what makes these policies feminist. Regardless, the one thing that can be learned from this scholarly debate is that the wide interpretations of this policy approach make it difficult to see its benefits.泭For the nations that have adopted a feminist approach to foreign policy, there is a general understanding that an intersectional approach which incorporates diverse identities is necessary to reach full gender equality. An intersectional approach to foreign policy in the transatlantic space can strengthen cohesion between nations on gender equality, but only with greater cooperation and discussion among governments to better align policy goals. It is true that there are varying approaches to feminist foreign policy and that it has broad implications for a nation; however, with better communication between feminist governments across borders, nations can better transmit the impacts of FFP policy initiatives.泭

About the Author

Olivia Jensen is a Junior undergraduate student in the School of International Service at 51勛圖. Her studies focus on foreign policy and identity, race, gender, and culture with a focus on North America and the Western Hemisphere. She is interested in feminist research and gender studies in relation to state relationships.泭